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‘Federalism can increase racism’ Sep 09, 2024 News Dear Editor With constitutional reform in the air, we must be prepared to be presented with all manner of diversions, particularly by those who wish to avoid changing the winner-takes-all political system that for decades has been the major obstacle to Guyana’s growth and development. Mr. Ravi Dev understands this well, for he tells us that the central need of politics in Guyana is the combination of ‘kinship (the basis of ethnicity) and consent (the basis of democratic government) into politically viable entities through constitutionally protected arrangements, involving territorial and non-territorial politics. ’He recommends federalism for it ‘combines the seeming contradictory impulses present in all societies, but accentuated in plural societies such as Guyana, the need to be united (the principle of solidarity – and shared rule) and the need for groups to live authentically (the principle of autonomy – self rule).’Where he is wrong is in his assessment that while ‘Our liberal democratic governance structure assumes a more homogenous society than we are, executive shared governance can lead to immobilism in decision making’ and thus should be rejected(KN: 03/09/2024). Before considering Ravi’s notion of ‘federalism’, I believe that a few overarching conceptual concerns need to be clarified. Firstly, as I understand it, governance immobilisation is an essential feature of democratic governance in all societies. It defines the limits to which the executive must adhere or be punished for exceeding, either by various forms of veto, at elections or by public protest. In a homogeneous society, ultimately this is done by way of a united public opinion and where this does not exist, as in politically antagonistic multiethnic/bicommunal societies, by way of shared executive authority. Secondly, constitutional immobilism is not necessarily total, for example, in the case of Northern Ireland, vetoes by way of the Good Friday Agreement, do not necessarily shut down the government but could prevent the implementation of a given policy. I am certain that Mr. Dev would have preferred the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) to be at the executive table able to veto the APNU+AFC Coalition government unilaterally dismissing thousands of sugar workers at Christmas time. I certainly did. As in the case of the ‘pocket veto’, immobilism can also be temporary: to give pause for more in depth consideration of a contentious issue. Thirdly, as Sir Authur Lewis argued, democracy requires that ethnic groups or their representatives be an effective part of decision-making that will affect their lives. In a society such as ours, if the focus is indeed upon developing a nation out of our ethnic peoples, winning or losing elections should be secondary and consensual governance should be given pride of place. Seventy years of political life have demonstrated the inhuman lengths to which the PPP is willing to go to give the impression that ethnic political preference is not pervasive: this is the most convincing evidence of its prevalence. In relation to political devolution, my ideological position is ‘subsidiarity’: the organising principle of decentralisation, which holds that the central authority should have a subsidiary function, dealing with only those tasks that cannot be dealt with effectively at the local level, and that matters ought to be handled by the smallest, lowest, or least centralised authority capable of addressing them effectively (Subsidiarity, autonomy and local democracy. SN: 21/08/2013). I took issue with Mr. Dev’s conceptualisation of federalism as it is to be applied to Guyana in Consensual democracy and devolution, Guyana. SN, 31/01/2018; Federalism and racism, SN: 08/05/2013; Federalism: the ethnic balkanization of Guyana, SN: 22/05/2013; Local government reform, SN: 10/07/2013; Local government: a bird’s eye view, SN: 17/07/2013, and Local government should be liberating, SN: 24/07/2013, to name a few, until he suggested that his objective could be accomplished by a system of devolution similar to that established in Kenya. His proposal is somewhat unclear and thus unfortunately he now faces a similar difficulty with Mr. Eric Phillips(‘Federalism and Ravi Dev.’ KN, 05/09/2024) as he had with Mr. Vincent Alexander, who accused him of surreptitiously attempting to place Indians at an advantage in the distribution of the regions and thus the natural wealth of Guyana (`I maintain that Dev’s Federalism proposal is highly flawed.’ SN: 25/01/2018). Dev’s discourse a few days ago emphasizes the possible vicissitudes of the ideology of federalism, but he has a more specific formulation. ‘I propose that Guyana be reconstituted as a Federal Republic, even as a coalition government be formed at such a republic’s centre. In a society where the major ethnic groups each constitute majorities in different areas of the country, political devolution offers the largest number of incentives towards addressing ethnic insecurities. There are several variants of devolution, ranging from strong Local Government to Federalism. The latter arrangement offers the most benefits to Guyana: in a federal structure, “winner takes all politics” would be eliminated, since the central government would be concerned with national issues such as defence and foreign policy’ (Federalism to end ethnic conflict. SN: 3/12/2017). As pointed out above, in ethnically divided societies, liberal democracy demands that ethnic groups be at the executive table went important decisions are made, and defence, foreign and border policy etc., are important to all ethnicities. If, therefore, by coalition government at the republic’s centre he has in mind one based on the major ethnicities being able to immobilise action that runs counter to their national and local interest and not alliance with some miniscule party, I agree. But I do not believe that it is possible to eliminate ‘winner takes all politics’ by establishing more opportunities for winners to take all! The kind of ethnic differentiation that is to be found at the national level also exists in every region and therefore coalition only at the centre will not suffice. The PPP and PNC will still be all powerful at the regional level and in Dev’s kind of system, it would be possible for the African political leadership in Demerara to discriminate against Indians and vice versa, say by the Indian leadership in Berbice. To escape such an environment, ethnic groups are most likely to conclude that it would be better to find security among those of their ethnicity, thus making the racial balkanization of Guyana a distinct possibility. To be acceptable to me, in an ethnically divided democratic society such as ours, what is also needed at the national and regional levels are immobilism mechanisms to prevent regional authorities from discriminating and thus avoiding the possibilities raised by Alexander and now Phillips. Thus, federalism does not preclude the need for executive shared government at the central level. Indeed, since our intent should be to reduce central government intervention in regional affairs to the minimum, avoid exclusion and foster intra-ethnic relations in the regions, shared governance arrangements are also necessary at the local level. Then and only then would we see the kind of united ethnic regional politics that will make the natural state-centeredness of federalism/devolution, harmless to our project of building a united Guyana. Regards Dr Henry Jeffrey Related Similar Articles

I am taken aback by ExxonGuyana’s President, Mr. Alistair Routledge letter to editor in KN Sep 09, 2024 Letters Dear Editor, To put politely, I am offended by the discourtesy and deceptiveness of Mr. Routledge in stating that “this publication continues to spread misinformation about ExxonMobil Guyana’s operations.”Mr. Routledge’s arrogance and audacity should stir resentment in all Guyanese.  He is out of line, outrageous in his disrespectfulness to not just Kaieteur News, but every Guyanese with an honest, patriotic bone in them.  The fact that he can cherry-pick what he chooses to respond to evidence how Exxon Guyana mismanages information and misinforms Guyanese.  What power, benefit, in withholding?  In trying to plaster that word “misinformation” on KN, it is surprising that a man as much in possession of his senses as Mr. Routledge could take a page out of the book of someone like Bharrat Jagdeo, and please himself by parroting it.  Surely, Exxon and its Guyana president have more self-respect than that, a much closer association with higher standards of truth than what prevails locally. The issue that raised the ire of Exxon is simple: how many barrels of Guyana’s oil is being used by the company in its daily production operations.  Why is that so unnerving, maddening?  It was a question first raised by International Attorney, Ms. Melinda Janki, with an answer still awaited.  It was then taken further by KN’s publisher, Mr. Glenn Lall, when he asked how many boatloads of Guyana’s oil Exxon is fetching away. Is it zero barrels, or 30,000, or 50,000 barrels of Guyana’s wealth being used in the company’s daily production operations (or being fetched away without Guyana knowing)?A straight question deserves a straight answer.  Mr. Routledge should not provide a Jagdeo-type answer, one that obscures more than it enlightens.  Instead, he must provide the kind of answer that aligns with Exxon’s world-class standards, as he himself has proclaimed at different times. I note with interest the caginess of Exxon’s Guyana president in focusing his letter on Guyanese being always present “to witness every offshore oil lift.”  Considering how inhibited Government of Guyana leaders operating onshore have come across in living up to their responsibilities to locals with developments involving their wealth, offshore witnesses do not instill abundant confidence. For Mr. Routledge’s information, too many Guyanese are too familiar with two sets of tracks (or books) that are so integral to business operations.  In short, my response to Mr. Routledge’s attestation should need no translation “a fat lot of comfort their presence at the oil lifts brings.  If the Exxon Guyana president is to be taken literally, things are so virginal pure in how his company conducts itself in this Guyana partnership. Yet there is so much darkness, so much silence, there is so much that doesn’t sit right with this national patrimony.  It is why more Guyanese see Exxon for what it is and grit their teeth at why this should be so, how Guyana’s leaders can let this be so.  Guyana’s leaders have been reduced to tools, and sensitive Guyanese institutions made into fools. Guyana’s political captains have been miniaturized by Exxon into the equivalent of mice, but Mr. Routledge is boldfaced and twofaced enough to speak so unashamedly about who spreads “misinformation.”  What could be a more monstrous misusing of the elected of Guyana for Exxon’s cause and circus?  What can be more detrimental to Guyanese interests today and in the foreseeable future? Nonetheless, the issue remains hanging: how many barrels of Guyana’s oil is Exxon using in its daily production operations.  Since he was energized to break his silence, Mr. Routledge has a duty to furnish a clear and straight answer.  It would have more weight than what Vice President Jagdeo and Minister Bharrat have offered, confirm the caliber of the partner that Guyana has in Exxon.  Further, it would be significant if the Exxon Guyana president would hold truly informative press engagements to keep Guyanese abreast of new oil developments, including new discovery amounts.  That’s what reliable business partners do.  Or why Guyana’s auditors were blocked from accessing some of the raw production data on its books.  No partner for whom credibility and integrity are corporate imperatives would even think of, let alone engage in, such a move that says so much about its commitment to standards in a multibillion American dollar venture. Even further and seeing that Mr. Routledge has stepped into the public domain, he is urged to share why a partner would be so secretive with the release of US billions in oil project expenses.  I would think that, for its own reputation, there would be accelerated diligence in letting Guyanese know what they are being charged for and let them do their own scrutiny. Dissembling, distracting, and dodging have brought Guyanese to these points of doubt.  Mr. Routledge knows what he must do, could accrue to Exxon’s credit. Sincerely,GHK Lall Related Similar Articles

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