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North Ruimveldt upsets Sparta Boss Oct 21, 2024 Sports Action at the National Gymnasium between Linden All-Stars (red) and Gold is Money Champion of Champions Futsal… – North East, Back Circle, Gold is Money march on Kaieteur Sports – North Ruimveldt created the biggest upset to date in the Bent Street ‘Champion of Champions’ Futsal Championship, defeating Sparta Boss 1-0 on Saturday night at the National Gymnasium. The only conversion of the contest occurred in the 17th minute of the second half, as Tyrese Louis uncorked a power shot that went through the legs of the goalkeeper and settled into the back of the net. Meanwhile, Back Circle A, Gold is Money, and North East La Penitence moved one step closer to qualification for the knockout round with respective wins. Back Circle crushed Street Vybz 5-0. Bevney Marks bagged a double in the 11th and 15th minutes, respectively, while Jermaine Beckles, Stephon McLean, and Ravin Naughton scored in the first, eighth, and 14th minutes apiece. On the other hand, Gold is Money bested Linden All-Stars 2-0. Andrew Murray and Shamar Koulen scored in the eighth and 13th minutes, respectively. Likewise, North East La Penitence downed Bent Street B 2-0. Donte McAulay and Kelvin Moore scored in the third and ninth minutes, respectively. The winner of the event will pocket $1,000,000 and the championship trophy, while the second, third, and fourth-place finishers will receive $500,000, $300,000, and $200,000 and the corresponding accolade, respectively. On the individual side, prizes will also be given to the highest goal scorer, most valuable player, best defender, and goalkeeper, respectively. The event continues at the same venue on October 25th. Below are the complete results. Complete Results Game-1 Back Circle B-2 vs. Team Cruel-3 Team Cruel scorers Ian Dooker-7th Joel Sealey-18th Teon Stewart-20th Back Circle B scorer Sigmund Cobena-2nd and 21st Game-2 Mocha-2 vs. Z-Tekk Family-2 Mocha scorers Lloyd Matthews-3rd Antwoine Kelly-12th Z-Tekk Family scorers Donald McKenzie-2nd Ozeal Small-16th Game-3 Laing Avenue-0 vs. California Square-1 David George-8th Game-4 Bent Street B-0 vs. North East La Penitence-2 Donte McAulay-3rd Kelvin Moore-9th Game-5 Back Circle A-5 vs. Street Vybz-0 Bevney Marks-11th and 15th Jermaine Beckles-1st Stephon McLean-8th Ravin Naughton-14th Game-6 Gold is Money-2 vs. Linden All-Stars-0 Andrew Murray-8th Shamar Koulen-13th Game-7 North Ruimveldt-1 vs. Sparta Boss-0 Tyrese Louis-17th Game-8 Bent Street A-0 vs. Stabroek Ballerz-0 Related Similar Articles

Asalanka, Madushka help Sri Lanka take 1-0 lead Oct 21, 2024 Sports Sherfane Rutherford scored a crucial half-century (Getty Images) (ESPN Cricinfo) – A 137-run stand between Charith Asalanka and debutant Nishan Madushka provided the base as Sri Lanka comfortably chased down a DLS-adjusted target of 232 in Pallekele, to take a 1-0 lead in the series. Asalanka top-scored with a 71-ball 77, while Madushka finished with 69 off 54. Both departed unable to see the chase through, but considering the precarious position at which they had come together – 45 for 3 in the seventh over – they had done more than enough to ensure the win. Kamindu Mendis was there at the end to see the win through, with an unbeaten 30 off 21, and alongside him was Janith Liyanage on a run-a-ball 18. Left-arm spinner Gudakesh Motie was the pick of the bowlers for the visitors, with figures of 3 for 47, while Alzarri Joseph grabbed two. Despite having reinforced their spin reserves in preparation for a dry Pallekele surface, none were able to offer as much penetration as Motie. While Motie too went at over six an over he at least posed a wicket-taking threat. This was not something the pair of Roston Chase and Hayden Walsh Jr. could boast, as they gave up 80 runs in the 10 overs between them. While this was down to a combination of errant bowling and ruthless batting, the West Indian spinners were also impacted by a wet ball as a result of a wet outfield. The rain also meant that the pitch had become easier to bat on by the time Sri Lanka took lease of the wicket. Earlier, Sherfane Rutherford’s counterattack had been cut short by rain to bring to a premature close the West Indies innings on 185 for 4 after 38.3 overs. But even with that caveat, the way Sri Lanka approached their chase made them well worth their victory. Madushka, making his debut in place of the injured Pathum Nissanka, opened the innings alongside Avishka Fernando but by the time he faced his fifth delivery in ODI cricket, Sri Lanka had found themselves already two down. Avishka drove a widish delivery straight to point, while Kusal Mendis – who had looked in good nick with a trio of enterprising boundaries – top-edged an attempted pull. This brought Sadeera Samarawickrama to the crease, and he wasted little time taking the initiative, striking Jayden Seales for three boundaries in the fifth over of the chase. With the threat of rain looming, Sri Lanka’s game plan was clear – get ahead of the DLS equation. But when Sadeera fell, courtesy an absolute peach from Motie that knocked back off stump, Sri Lanka were suddenly at the risk of letting the game slip into dangerous territory – even with the safety of being able to bat until No 9. But if those watching on were feeling nervous, Sri Lanka’s skipper hardly let it show. Off just the second delivery he faced he swept Motie for four, before driving him exquisitely through the covers an over later. Madushka, who up until this point was content to turn over the strike to his more aggressive partners, finally notched his first boundary in the 10th over. And this partnership scarcely took the foot off the gas as the West Indies struggled to maintain tight lines and lengths. Between the 10th and 20th over only two overs didn’t contain a boundary, as Sri Lanka racked up 72 runs in that period. And the scoring only accelerated from that point on, with a further 41 runs scored between overs 20-25. Madushka eventually edged to slip, with Asalanka following shortly after trapped leg before – both off Motie – but the required run rate had dropped to nearly four an over by that point, and any peril long since neutralised. West Indies’ best period of the game had occurred much earlier. Prior to the rain intervention, they had been in the process of regaining some lost momentum with Rutherford and Chase in the middle of an 85-run fifth-wicket stand off 78 deliveries. Wanindu Hasaranga had taken two wickets, while Jeffrey Vandersay and Asalanka had one apiece. But on a dry Pallekele surface, West Indies knew a trial by spin was always on the cards after they had won the toss and elected to bat. Dunith Wellalage was into the attack as early as the fifth over – and even before that medium pacer Liyanage had resorted to offcutters on a hard length – while spin was in effect from both ends not long after. Despite a promising opening stand it wasn’t long before West Indies had stumbled to 54 for 3, with Rutherford joining Keacy Carty in the middle, and the scoring rate now hovering at around four an over. It was during this period that Sri Lanka’s spinners took total control, as West Indies were content to play it safe, racking up numerous dot deliveries, and picking up the odd ones and twos. A Rutherford cut for four in the 17th over was the first West Indies boundary in 47 deliveries; by the traditional halfway point of 25 overs, they had inched to 94 for 3. It was here that a frustrated Carty unleashed a powerful one-handed loft over long-on for six to break the shackles somewhat, but that relief was shortlived as he fell going for a repeat performance the very next delivery. That brought to an end a 46-run partnership – the West Indies’ best of the innings until that point. But with the dependable Chase alongside him, Rutherford continued as before, picking off singles and attempting to pounce on any rare loose deliveries. But as their confidence grew and a persistent drizzle greased the surface, the pair struck 43 in the last five overs they faced. With the death overs still to come, a total in the region of 275 was on the cards. But then the rains came. Related Similar Articles

Oct 21, 2024 News Kaieteur News– President Irfaan Ali and Minister of Education, Priya Manickchand on Sunday turned the sod for the construction of the $182 million Tabatinga Secondary School, located in Lethem, Region Nine. In his brief remark, President Ali stated that the project should be completed within 18 months. This publication had reported that the project which went out to tender through the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development was awarded last month to contractor QA Civil Works, following the national bidding process at the National Procurement and Tender Administration Board (NPTAB) office. QA Civil Works was among 13 firms that submitted bids for the project which was estimated to cost $198 million. In her address, Minister Manickchand underscored the government’s commitment to ensuring that students across the country are treated fairly and are given the opportunity to learn in a safe and comfortable environment.  The Tabatinga Secondary School is one of four new secondary schools the government intends to build in the Upper Takatu-Upper Essequibo Region this year. The construction of the secondary schools will ease the overcrowding at St. Ignatius Secondary, while closing the primary tops in the other communities to provide students with the opportunity to have better access to learning. “…So that the 1,100 children that are overflowing at St. Ignatius can have comfortable seats at Tabatinga. In this region, we are fixing the Sand Creek dorm and the Annai dorm and the Aishalton dorm so that your children can live there more comfortably,” the minister said. Manickchand disclosed that since 2020 the government has built 18 nursery schools, and construction to commence on several primary schools. In addition to Tabatinga, a new secondary school will be constructed at Nappi, Maruranau and Massara Villages along with the ongoing construction of Karasabai Secondary School. The education minister noted that the completion of these schools will add 2,500 more seats for secondary school students.  Kaieteur News understands that across the hinterland regions, a total of 16 secondary schools will be constructed. In Region One, five secondary schools will be constructed; in Region Six, there will be one; in Region Seven two schools; and in Region Eight, three schools will be constructed. Tenders have been issued for the majority of the projects. Construction of some of the schools has started. This newspaper reported too that the government has embarked on an aggressive programme to ensure that the nation’s children have access to secondary education. The Government has set 2025 to achieve universal secondary education. To achieve this, the Ministries of Education and Local Government have since moved to have several secondary schools constructed across the country. Related Similar Articles

Five companies bid to build Palmyra Cultural Market Oct 21, 2024 News Kaieteur News – Five companies, including two local firms, have submitted bids to design, build and finance (DBF) a cultural market at Palmyra, Berbice, Region Six. This was revealed at the recent opening of tenders at the National Procurement and Tender Administration Board (NPTAB) office. This project is being undertaken by the government through the Ministry of Public Works. President Irfaan Ali announced the construction of the facility during an Emancipation celebration held at the New Amsterdam Technical Institute a few weeks ago. The cultural market will serve as an educational and talent showcasing hub for the country. Quoted in a Department of Public Information (DPI) article, the President said, “As we build the new stadium, and as we build facilities around the stadium, and as we build hotels, an important part of why people will come to Region Six is to be part of this national cultural market.” “This will be a symbol of the importance of culture in bridging gaps and bringing people together.  The importance of culture in economic and social revolution. The importance of culture in developing healthy lifestyle … [and] the importance of culture in celebrating the unity of our people and our country,” he added. Below are the companies and their bids: Ministry of Public Works Pre-Qualification of Contractors, Design Build and Finance – Culture Market. Bidder Amount Tendered Rockey & Son Construction – Hoosein Logistics & Supplies Inc. – Ashoka JV Cube Construction – China CAMC Engineering Company Limited – China Road & Bridge Corporation Qingjian Group Company Limited – Ministry of Legal Affairs Procurement of Office Furniture & Equipment. Bidder Amount Tendered Starcom Office Furniture (Guyana) Inc. $2,215,157 Digital Technology Group of Companies Inc. $ 13,627,660 Ministry of Education (GESIP) Procurement of Laboratory Equipment for the New Faculty of Health Sciences Building, U.G Lots 1-4. Bidder Amount Tendered Inte Trade Limited (England) Lot2 US$280,036.17 CEDI Europe BV (Netherlands) Lot1 US$704,867.98Lot2 US$179,144.73Lot3 US$206,520.30Lot4 US$67,784.72Total US$$1,158,317.73 Biomedical Enterprises of T&T Limited Lot1 $147,486,977Lot2 $72,563,365Lot4 $36,392,674Total $223,683,016 Western Scientific Company Limited (T&T) Lot1 US$597,731.42Lot2 US$254,266.71Lot3 US$61,083.80Lot4 US$86,026.05 Caribbean Scientifica Medical Products – Clever Solutions Guyana Inc. Lot1 US$178,718.36Lot2 US$237,701.49Lot3 US$128,686.39Lot4 US$61,600.98 Meditron Inc. – Guyana Sugar Corporation Inc. Supply & Delivery of Mild Steel & Steam Pipes. Bidder Amount Tendered Alliance Investments $18,250,000 TPLB Inc. (USA) $33,386,800 PARE Construction & Supplies $32,904,000 DBL Group Inc. $17,296,100 Garnet Engineers US$60,888 Supply & Delivery of 4WD Double Cab Pickup. Bidder Amount Tendered Alliance Investments $$23,600,000 Massy Motors Guyana Limited $15,800,000 Supply & Delivery of 80HP 4WD Agricultural Tractor. Bidder Amount Tendered Rudisa Motor Company (Guyana) Inc. $14,400,000 General Equipment Guyana Limited $35,001,000 Massy Motors Guyana Limited $31,290,000 Farm Supplies Limited $15,000,000 Supply & Delivery of Mobile Lighting Tower. Bidder Amount Tendered General Equipment Guyana Limited $6,363,592 Alliance Investments $10,000,000 A&P Logistics & Transportation Service $6,100,000 Supply & Delivery of 200HP 4WD Agricultural Fixed Farm Tractor. Bidder Amount Tendered Massy Motors Guyana Limited $114,600,000 Game Equipment LLC US$591,150 General Equipment Guyana Limited $74,160,486 Yellow Steel Inc. $42,000,000 Garnet Engineers US$435,888 Related Similar Articles

Is this right or wrong? Oct 21, 2024 Features / Columnists, Peeping Tom Kaieteur News – The attendance of a sitting Head of State at the political event of a ruling party in another country is a practice fraught with ethical dilemmas and potential controversies. While diplomacy encourages engagement between nations, crossing into the realm of partisan events risks undermining diplomatic norms and the perception of neutrality that leaders are expected to maintain. When a Head of State attends a political event, such as a ruling party’s conference, it can be seen as an implicit endorsement of that party or its policies. This can create concerns about foreign interference in the internal politics of the host country, especially in scenarios where the ruling party is in contention with a strong opposition. Heads of State typically interact with the governments of other countries, not individual political parties, to preserve a stance of neutrality. Attending a partisan event could be interpreted as favouring one faction, compromising the impartiality expected of state representatives. A visit to a ruling party’s event, even in a private capacity, might be perceived as disrespectful to the host nation’s political process. It could appear as if the visiting leader is attempting to influence outcomes or curry favour with a particular political group, which can strain diplomatic relations. Such actions could encourage other leaders to participate in foreign political events, potentially leading to a trend where political parties actively seek endorsements from foreign heads of state. This could complicate bilateral relations and create diplomatic friction if such visits are seen as inappropriate. Opposition parties in the host country often criticize these visits as partisan and interfering. They may argue that the presence of a foreign leader at a political event undermines the democratic process and signals undue support for the ruling party. Attending a partisan event might lead to questions about the visiting Head of State’s motives, suggesting that they are aligning with the ruling party for political or economic gain. This can fuel suspicions that bilateral relations are driven more by personal ties than by national interests. If the opposition in the host country later comes to power, they may view such visits as a sign of antagonism, leading to strained relations and potentially impacting future diplomatic or economic ties between the nations. International observers and civil society organizations often see such visits as a departure from established diplomatic practices. They may criticize the act as an attempt to politicize foreign relations, which can lead to wider debates about the appropriate boundaries between statecraft and party politics. While rare, there have been instances of sitting Heads of State attending political events abroad. Hugo Chávez of Venezuela frequently attended events organized by allied socialist parties across Latin America, and leaders from countries like Zimbabwe and South Africa have been known to participate in each other’s party congresses. Similarly, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s interactions at United Russia forums and Chinese leaders’ ties with ruling parties in other nations have sparked controversy. Such cases typically draw criticism for blurring the lines between state diplomacy and partisan involvement, with opposition parties viewing these actions as foreign meddling. But what if it is a private visit? When a sitting Head of State attends the ruling party conference of another country in a private capacity, distinguishing between private and official roles can be difficult due to the visibility and influence of their position. Even if labeled as private, such visits often carry diplomatic weight, with their words and actions seen as representing their country. This can be perceived as implicit support for the ruling party, complicating the political balance in the host country and challenging diplomatic norms that typically require neutrality. Critics may question the authenticity of a “private” visit, arguing that it is a strategic attempt to support the ruling party without formal diplomatic implications. The presence of a foreign leader at a partisan event can be viewed as interference in the host country’s affairs, especially if the timing coincides with an election or politically sensitive period. This perception can provoke criticism from both the host country’s opposition and the Head of State’s own citizens, who might see the visit as a misuse of position or resources. Even if the visit aims to be apolitical, it risks diplomatic fallout if opposition parties later gain power and view the gesture as favouritism. Historical examples, like Nelson Mandela’s or Barack Obama’s post-presidency visits, illustrate the difficulty of maintaining a non-political stance, showing how such visits are often interpreted through political lenses. Ultimately, despite the “private” designation, the visit’s political implications are hard to avoid. (The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of this newspaper.)  Related Similar Articles

Smoke and mirrors Oct 21, 2024 Letters Dear Editor, The suddenness with which the regime decided to make a $200,000 cash grant to all Guyanese households and with which it also altered both the procedure, quantity and timing of this handout is most reminiscent of a similar difficulty and quick reversal it had to make in relation to the miserly salary increases it sought to pay to those qualified teachers that could migrate. Now it appears that both it and some in the opposition will have us believe that the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) government has suddenly become responsive to public pressure. It is all smoke and mirrors. No amount of parliamentary circus is likely to cure me of the belief that, with all the Drs. and well-paid advisors in the house and its lengthy association with such issues, if it wished, the government was more than able to properly conceptualise an efficient, effective and less politically opportunistic method of distributing the suddenly materialised G$60 now about G$63 billion. What rules Guyana is not a regime that needs to or does pay much attention to public opinion, particularly when political advantage is concerned, and the PPP would not have willingly given up the political advantage the process of such a distribution offers. Was this not so the decision to deal with the cost-of-living would not have been so abrupt and would have happened at the imminent budget time.  And the more politically opportunistic process that would have seen the populace paying homage to scores of red capped/shirted persons associated with the handouts galivanting around Guyana nearer elections time would have been adopted. Of course, even if the change of policy was the result of its acquiring ‘feedback’ from the public as the regime would like us to believe, the obvious embarrassment it is attempting to disguise would not have occurred if it had eschewed its autocratic unilateralist mode of governance. Democratic governance would have meant that given the size and range of the expenditure, particularly since it could not find resources to properly remunerate teachers and other public servants, it would have gone to the National Assembly, possibly at budget time, with a properly documented proposal of its intentions and the ‘feedback’, which is apparently now responsible for its deviations, would have been acquired. But the PPP is unlikely to lose a single vote over the ‘embarrassment’ it has again suffered. Indeed, given the critical personal relief it is likely to bring to many suffering the results of the hopeless conditions its policies have unnecessarily wrought, it might even win some votes! Thus, the opposition’s concern and piggy-backing! Guyana has now found its El Dorado and so must establish policies that can instill hope in the poorest of its people. The most a universal, $100,000 one off, cash grant can do is help the poor with their immediate financial problems and give the well-off an unneeded bonus.  What is truly sad is that by about 2010 the global powers thought that the world had reached a level of development that could ensure that everyone received the basic requirements of existence. In 2015, the United Nations adopted its 2016 to 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and the PPP government was very much a part of the lengthy process. The first goal calls for an end to ‘poverty in all its forms everywhere’, and the second to ‘end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture’. The first goal also commits governments, according to their means, to ‘Implement nationally appropriate social protection systems and measures for all, including floors, and by 2030 achieve substantial coverage of the poor and the vulnerable.’ Floors are Universal Basic Income (UBI): ‘a basic set of essential social rights and transfers in cash and kind to provide a minimum income and livelihood security for all and to facilitate effective demand for and access to essential goods and services.’ The second goal is premised on the idea that everyone should have access to sufficient nutritious food. One would have thought that this kind of studied approach, not arbitrary one-off cash grants, would have provided the framework for some kind of long run ‘El Dorado’ project that initially focuses on the poor but gradually, as resources becomes available, is expanded to all. The colloquial objections associated with cash transfers – they encourage laziness, binging on parties, alcohol, cigarettes, etc. – have all been considered and largely debunked. Nineteen studies ‘almost without exception … [found] that cash transfers improve education, health outcomes and alleviate poverty’. ‘The evidence on the impact of cash transfers on poverty outcomes shows an overwhelmingly positive picture. Cash transfers are mostly having a statistically significant effect on beneficiary’s expenditure and poverty levels and when they do, they increase expenditure and (improve) poverty indicators’ (http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/617631468001 808739/pdf/WPS6886.pdf). Most relevant to Guyana, it has been suggested that ‘a simple transfer of 10 percent of oil revenues could effectively eliminate poverty in several oil-exporting countries’ (Ibid), and thus the notion that UBIs can be obstacles to more important social development goals is a result of ideological bias. With this in mind, in ‘A universal basic income for all Guyanese’ (SN: 30/08/2017), I said, ‘I believe that every citizen in Guyana should have direct access to a proportion of the revenues flowing from our oil and gas resources…a reasonable percent of the oil/gas revenue should be permanently set aside as direct cash grants to the most vulnerable but gradually, as revenue increases, reaching the level of a UBI (an amount sufficient to secure basic needs as a permanent earnings floor no one could fall beneath) for all Guyanese.’ But importantly, it should be noted that studies found ‘at least one statistically significant effect, suggesting that design and implementation features matter in shaping poverty impacts.’ Two potentially important design and implementation features are that ‘transfer levels need to be meaningful to reduce poverty rates [and] for the transfer to have a bigger and more sustainable impact, beneficiaries should be receiving the transfer for longer periods of time.’ (https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/resource-documents/11316.pdf). Since 1967, Dr. Martin Luther King said, ‘I am now convinced that the simplest solution to poverty is to abolish it directly by a new widely discussed measure: the guaranteed income.’ Contemporarily, Milton Friedman, the right-wing American economist and statistician who won the 1976 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences, President Barack Obama, etc., have all given some support to a UBI but some in the upper echelons of the PNC have taken the archaic ideological stance of associating UBI with dependency syndrome, laziness, etc! Luckily, one of their associates, the Working People’s Alliance (WPA) by way of Prof. Clive Thomas and what it calls the Buxton project supports this general approach. The PPP has no interest in a universal project of upliftment for in Guyana’s caustic ethnic context, to extend and hold its political support, it must keep other ethnic groups -since they are its main protagonist over whom it has no control, Africans – in relative poverty. So please, notwithstanding the propaganda, without some serious nudging, do not expect the PPP government to support or establish of any process that will either identify the nature of existing inequity or lead to equitable development in Guyana. It is all smoke and mirrors. Sincerely, Dr. Henry Jeffrey Related Similar Articles

President Irfaan remains preferred choice over Opp. Leader Norton Oct 21, 2024 Letters Dear Editor, Incumbent President Irfaan Ali and the ruling PPP in Guyana lead the opposition APNU (PNC) and AFC and would win a comfortable majority government if the election were held soon, according to intention of voters from the latest opinion survey. The APNU or PNC, under the leadership of Opposition Leader Aubrey Norton, has been losing ground to both the PPP and AFC. Minor parties (ANUG, URP, etc.) have been trailing the others. This conclusion is from the latest findings (of September/October) from an ongoing survey being conducted by this writer for North American Caribbean Teachers Association (NACTA), a trend also found from similar surveys conducted August and earlier this year. The PPP is well-positioned to gain seats at the expense of PNC as traditional supporters of the opposition party have been gravitating towards the populist President Irfaan Ali and the PPP. Venezuelans of Guyanese descent is also gravitating towards the PPP, boosting its national support. The ruling party is also making gains among indigenous Amerindian voters. The AFC, under the new leadership of Counsel, Nigel Hughes, is also drawing support away from the PNC and from among dissatisfied Indians and from the Indigenous communities. Hughes has a growing following since he became party leader last July. Based on current survey and earlier polling data, the PPP would be virtually assured of winning a large parliamentary majority government if the election were held now and if the opposition parties were disunited, going into the election separately and if Norton is the Presidential candidate for the PNC (APNU). Norton has virtually no support among Indians and has been struggling to retain traditional support of the party’s base. Fourth fifths of voters disapprove of Norton’s leadership as compared with a mere quarter for President Ali. Disapproval Rating for Norton has been increasing over the last couple years with rising numbers saying they are dissatisfied with some of his recent actions that alienate party MPs and activists. Less than a fifth of the nation approve of Norton’s leadership as compared with more than two-thirds for Ali. Hughes enjoy popularity approval among all demographics of the population. Glenn Lall and Azruddin Mohamed have strong appeal among the lower classes. Timothy Jonas and Kian Jabour of ANUG have traction among middle and professional classes. Other names as potential candidates for President include Roysdale Forde and Amanza Walton-Desir. Irfaan Ali’s approval rating continues to remain unusually high for a ruler in the fifth year of his Presidency. He also remains the top pick for President among the various likely challengers. He has been a populist, grass-roots President doling out handouts to various demographics of the population and interacting with the public. It would take a lot of doing to unseat him or the PPP from office. Economic issues and security continue to dominate the list of items (that also include noise pollution, traffic congestion, health, housing costs, state contracting, among others) that people say are priority concerns that has led to dissatisfaction among a segment of the population. Guyanese feel that the government and parliament should focus on the preceding critical issues, with everyone appealing for an urgent reduction of cost of everyday items people consume. NACTA Polling project is an attempt to project electoral outcome based on opinion polls, electoral history, and demographic data in several countries. Its director is this writer, Dr. Vishnu Bisram, a social scientist who has been opinion surveys since the 1980s in the Caribbean region and beyond. (Dr. Bisram is a columnist for several publications and a regular contributor to the media in North America, Guyana and occasionally in Trinidad writing on political matters and on other issues. He has been an occasional panelist for TV and radio programs in Trinidad and Tobago and appeared on several podcasts discussing social issues.) NACTA Opinion polling is being conducted continually to gauge voting intention as well as the public’s views on policymaking and various contemporary issues. The organisation’s surveys cover a range of topics including political views and voting intentions, the economy, government policies and emerging issues important to the public. Yours truly, Vishnu Bisram Related Similar Articles